Preschool Education free essay sample

Examines the pros and cons. Discusses the short and long-term effects on children, the role of parents and teacher, economics and examples. The age at which formal schooling should begin has been a subject of continuing debate. One side of the debate says that longitudinal research proves the benefit of preschool education, while the other side contends that early education serves the daycare needs of adults more than it does the needs of children. This paper will examine both sides of the debate from the above, and several other, angles. School age readiness continues to be at the forefront of educational debate because the number of young children in preschool has steadily increased over the past 20 years and is expected to continue to rise (DelCampo, 1995, p. 198). On the one hand, children have an innate curiosity and enjoy playing with other children from an early age. This fact indicates that preschool attendance is beneficial; on the other hand, however

How to Do a Tombstone Rubbing

How to Do a Tombstone Rubbing Tombstone rubbings are commonly used by family history researchers as a method for preserving a tombstones inscription. Learn how to do a grave rubbing safely, and when to use an alternative method of cemetery documentation. How to Do a Tombstone Rubbing Get permission. Check with the cemetery or with the state or local historical society to learn if tombstone rubbings are permissible. This practice has been banned in some areas and cemetery locations due to the damage it can cause.Be sure that the tombstone that you have chosen is sturdy and stable.  Do NOT do a tombstone rubbing on any stone that is wobbly, flaking, chipping, crumbling or otherwise unstable. Take a photograph instead.If allowed, clean the tombstone with plain water and a soft bristle (natural or nylon) brush.  Scrub the stone from the bottom up to avoid further streaking and staining.   Flush well with water when you are done. Again, do not do this on a stone that is crumbling, chipping or flaking.Cut a piece of plain white paper, butcher paper, rice paper or Pellon interfacing material to a size slightly larger than the tombstone. You can obtain rice paper from art supply stores and Pellon from craft and fabric shops.Tape the paper or fabric to the graveston e.   Make sure that it is secure so that it wont slide as you are rubbing and cause a blurred image, and that it ​covers the face of the stone completely so that you wont get marks on the tombstone when rubbing. If you have someone with you to assist, then you may prefer to have them hold the paper to avoid any possible damage from using tape. Using rubbing wax, a large crayon, charcoal, or chalk, gently start to rub along the outside edges of your paper or material, carefully working your way in. Or you may choose to begin at the top and work your way down the tombstone.Rub lightly to start with, and then apply more pressure to darken in the design if it suits you. Be very careful and gentle so as not to damage the tombstone.If you used chalk for your grave rubbing, then carefully spray the paper with a chalk spray such as Krylon.  Hairspray is another alternative. Be very careful not to get any on the tombstone.When the rubbing is done, carefully remove it from the tombstone and trim the edges to suit your liking.If you used interfacing for your tombstone rubbing, then place the material face up on an ironing board with an old towel over it. Press down with a hot iron (dont use a back-and-forth motion) to permanently set the wax into the fabric. Tips for a Better Tombstone Rubbing Interfacing material is an especially good material for tombstone rubbings because it doesnt tear and folds without creasing for easy travel.Caught without supplies? In a pinch, you can use  green leaves to do the rubbing as long as you can put your hands on some paper.Consider other methods of preserving the tombstone inscription such as photographs or foil casts as an alternative to the potentially damaging tombstone rubbing.Practice makes perfect! Before going to the cemetery, contact a local monuments store to see if you can practice rubbings on one of their tombstones.Check local laws before visiting the cemetery. Some countries dont even allow tombstones to be photographed without the permission of the cemetery keeper.Be sure to pick up any trash and leave the cemetery just as you found it.

British legal system Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

British legal system - Case Study Example This reflective report will provide an analysis of some of the most famous historical cases within the Old Bailey Courthouse, and choose a key issue based upon what I have witnessed and provide an analysis of discrimination and diversity in the criminal court as it pertains to my visit. London's Central Criminal Court is responsible for handling the most important criminal cases from the Greater London area as well as sensational legal matters which warrant special attention from other parts of Britain. The Old Bailey presently occupies the site of the Main Roman West Gate in the ancient city of London. Dating back to the 12th century, the present location initially housed both a court and a prison and was destroyed in the 1666 Great London Fire. The present structure was largely built at the end of the Victorian era and replayed the unpopular Newgate prison during the reign of his majesty King Edward VII. In 2007, London's Central Criminal Court celebrated its 100 year anniversary. The immense Old Bailey has 18 courtrooms and tries approximately 1,500 cases per year making it one of the most active and prolific courthouses in the country. Trying serious murderers, accused terrorists and a plethora of high-profile defendants, the Old Bailey's Senior Judge, His Hono ur Judge Peter Beaumont QC is the Recorder of London ands highest authority at the Court (City of London, 2007; Murphy, 1999). What are the roles and functions of the court Old Bailey within the UK system' The Old Bailey Courthouse is an iconic structure which plays an important role in the British system. Accordingly, most prominent cases in the London area make their way to the Old Bailey and this is the place in which UK justice is meted out. Criminals, violent offenders, embezzlers and a whole host of other presumed offenders have faced justice at the Old Bailey and this building remains an important and often publicized institution of the British justice system. Accordingly, in media and tabloid reports, when a case is in front of the judges at the Old Bailey there is increased media attention and publicity since the trial is likely of a great magnitude and importance. Historically speaking, a variety of high-profile cases have been judged at the Old Bailey including the case against Oscar Wilde in which he made his famous 'Love that dare not speak its name" speech while in the dock at the Old Bailey; t he Lord Haw Haw treason case after World War II; the trial of the Kray Brothers were tried at the Old Bailey as well as that of the Yorkshire Ripper. Recent prominent cases include the case of Fatima Miah, who was acquitted of violently shaking her newborn causing death and the shocking case of Baby P in which a two-year old boy was raped and killed. These are just some of the most sensational cases to land in the dock at the Old Bailey. The Old Bailey is the personification of the strength and importance of Her Majesty's Courts Services (HMCS), the judiciary, the police forces and the City of London. It is the representation of the British Justice System and an important building for the people of the United Kingdom. We now turn to an exploration of an important issue in our analysis, discrimination and racism within the UK Justice System (Murphy, 1999. Issue Analysis The promotion of equality and inclusion as well as the value of diversity in practice are at the helm of

CHRYSLER LLC Business failure Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

CHRYSLER LLC Business failure - Research Paper Example ed in making decisions, technological and global competitiveness, mergers and the acquisitions, rethinking business processes and alliances among others. The reasons behind the failure of the company were a result of a complex combination of organizational, managerial and leadership factors. The use of organizational behavioral theory helps in explaining why the company failed in the achievement of its strategic and operational goals. This was a clear example of ineffective leadership, poor organizational structuring and imbalanced management (Stephen, 2004). From 1940s to the beginning of the 21st century, the company underwent a series of changes but these changes did not help in ensuring its sustainability over time. The failure of the company can be dated back to the 1950s whereby it failed to survive the competitive and organizational pressures of the time. The company experienced lack of adequate organizational support and ended up relying on external consultants. The company w as transformed and followed the patterns adapted by General Motors whereby each division of the company had its own executive who had the powers to decide and authority over everything under its division. Unlike the case of the General Motors, the executives at the company felt that this decentralization was unfamiliar to them and as such did not welcome it (Robbins, 2003). Another factor which led to its failure is the merger with Daimler as mentioned earlier. At the time, the company was experiencing rapid organizational advancement, high profitability rates as well as huge opportunities in business. Before the merger, the company executives had already got used to working as a team and the merger destroyed this with many executives departing the company. As such, this organizational... Further still, poor leadership was experienced in Chrysler and the company failed to form a better corporate image and failed in overcoming its market and operational challenges. With considerations on the management and the departure of effective leadership, and the effect of the organizational culture of Daimler, there was a huge gap in the leadership and management of the company. The merger led to a crash of the cultures of the two organizations. The attribution theory can explain the failure in the Chrysler LLC Group. The attributions theory explains the actions of other individuals, the employees and stakeholders. These attribution processes are perceptional in nature and not motivational. It analyses how the attitudes of the individuals affect their actions as the views enable individual to filter information and choose the one to believe (Scott, 2007). The failure of the company was due to the perception of the leaders of their positions within the company. The differences in the perceptions of the executives and the stereotypes each of them had became a barrier to them effectively cooperating in the management of the business. The business failure of this company confirms the importance of organizational behavior and illustrates how poor leadership, mismanagement and ineffective organizational restructuring can result to the failure of a business.

Human relations theory Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Human relations theory - Essay Example Mainly, the Human relations theory in organization and management has been attributed to Elton Mayo. Mayo's major theoretical stand point, according to Wood (2004, p.35),is that " in the absence of an explicit understanding of the determinants of co-operative effort, rapid technological and scientific advance tends to be associated with increased social disorganization." Wood (2004, p.36) has added that "by social disorganization, Mayo means, a disruption (loosening, weakening, impoverishment etc.) in the social ties, codes and established routines."Wood (2004, p.36) has further clarified this position of Mayo by dileneating that these social ties, codes and routines are the factors that "regulates the relations of individuals to one another in a group and they foster a strong identification of the individual to the group." So, when these are disrupted, as predicted by Mayo, the "essential conditions for cooperative efforts among individuals and groups" are destroyed.(Wood, 2004, p.3 6)Mayo (1975, p.32))also has observed that when these elements are present, the act as an atmosphere where "non logical bases for co-operation" are present and from which, "rational bases for cooperation can also emerge". When the kind of social disorganization as observed by Mayo (1975, p.31) happens, "obsessive thinking" replaces "rational thinking." According to Mayo (1975, p.32), obsessive people are "those who have not been trained for co-operative effort." The rational people, on the other hand, have "explicit skills of communication required by the adaptive society (Wood, 2004, p.36).Mayo has analysed that as for obsessive people, there is no turning back unless they learn the skills to relate to others, modern societies without understanding of the importance of cooperative efforts and with rapid technological and scientific growth, also have no way to return from chaos (Mayo, 1975, p.33). Mayo has not put forth any magic solutions to this problem. He has instead suggested some indepth and longterm measures. One such measure is to observe the relations within a group, develop these observations into a systematic social science study, just like physical sciences and then incorporating sociology with psychological thought by an involved researcher (not a detached one) (Mayo, 1975, p.113). The Hawthorne experiments conducted by Mayo was a major milestone in the study of industrial behaviour (Mayo, 1975, p.60). He conducted an interview based research in Western Electric Company, Chicago, to analyse the development of employee attitudes and how that influences the outcome. He was searching for an optimal situation which could bring about highest productivity. Hawthorne experiment findings included observations like, "an individual's identity is strongly associated with his or her group' an individual's affiliation or sense of belonging to the group can be more important to him or her than monetary rewards' groups can be formal or informal'both can exercise a strong influence on individuals at work'(and) managers and supervisors would do well to take this group behaviour into account when seeking to extract the maximum amount of work from their subordinates" (Campbell and Craig, p.16). This was part of Mayo's efforts to develop a new approach which he named, "clinical sociology." (Mayo, 1975, 65-70). In this way, Mayo wanted to add sociology to the group of natural sciences. A second experiment, named, 'relay assembly test room' was conducted by Mayo, in which a group of women, whose work was to assembly telephone relays, were subjected to various changes in their conditions of work, payment, rest pauses etc. (Crowther &Green, 2004,p.35). And he found that workers' productivity depended less on their objective conditions and more on "communicating with them well, helping them become involved in the organization and making them feel wanted and important (Crowther &Green, 2004,p.35). This experiment was a major breakthrough in management studies. From his studies, Mayo inferred that "every social group

Athens Vs Rome And Western Civilization History Essay

Athens Vs Rome And Western Civilization History Essay The United States political process is well developed and advanced, yet sometimes overlooked. However, we have the power to pick our own leaders and to vote on our own laws, a power some societies do not have. The founding fathers used ideas from the Greek and Roman Governments and incorporated them into the United States Constitution. In this paper, after giving a brief history of the Athenian and Roman governments, I will compare and contrast them with each other and the United States Government. In the 5th Century BC, the Athenians experimented with a form of democracy in which people had the opportunity to propose, vote on, and pass their own laws. This was called a Direct Democracy. For their democracy to be successful, two conditions needed to exist. First, the population needed to be small enough so that people could participate in politics. Second, people needed to have enough free time so that they may participate in government. The first condition was met by allowing only white, males of Athenian descent that were over the age of 18 to vote. This group totaled about 50,000 people or about 20% of the countrys population. The Athenians solved the second condition by using slaves to do the work, while the townspeople participated in the political process (http://www.historyworld.net/wrldhis/PlainTextHistories.asp?historyid=ac42). The Athenian political system of government was formed in the words of the first Athenian constitution, which was written by Aristotle in 350 BC. The constitution outlined how the checks? and balances system worked, and described the different positions in the government. One of the major differences between the Athenian Government and the United States Government was that the Athenians did not elect politicians, but rather proposed, debated, and passed or rejected laws (http://www.greektexts.com/library/Aristotle/The_Athenian_Constitution/eng/index.html). The first political pioneer of Athens was Solon, a dictator chosen by the people when Athens was in chaos (http://languages.siuc.edu/classics/Johnson/HTML/L10.html). Solon immediately erased all personal debts, freed prisoners, and brought back Athenians who had been sold into slavery from overseas, because they had not repaid their debts. He also started Athenian Agriculture by teaching the people how to grow wheat and grapes, which later became their staple crops (http://www.wsu.edu/~dee/GREECE/ATHENS.HTM). Solon also reformed government by dividing Athenian society into four classes based on wealth. The wealthiest classes could serve on the Aeropagus. The Aeropagus consisted of the citys nobles, and was named for the hill on which they met. The Aeropagus controlled the city and dictated its laws and customs, just like the dictators that would appear a few thousand years later (http://www.wsu.edu/~dee/GREECE/ATHENS.HTM). The third class served on a council of 400 people. This council was made up of the four Athenian tribes; each tribe could elect 100 representatives to participate in this class. This council served as the Aeropaguss system of checks and balances. The fourth class participated in an assembly, which voted on laws brought to it by the council of 400. This class also participated in a new court, which took cases from the Aeropagus (http://www.wsu.edu/~dee/GREECE/ATHENS.HTM). Solon seemed to be a good leader who held the city together because, during his lifetime, Athens prospered. After Solon died, Athens was plunged into chaos again. However, Peisistratus took over and tried once again to restore order to the city. He rebuilt Athens up from the inside out, by bringing in poets and artists to make it a more vibrant city. He also increased the assemblys power so that it could better serve the needs of the poor. He also made sure elections were held and that Solons reforms were followed. In addition, Peisistratus reformed the government by doing away with the Aeropagus and adding three new government bodies (http://www.wsu.edu/~dee/GREECE/ATHENS.HTM). All of these bodies existed together in the Athenian polis or city-state. The first of these was the assembly, which was made up of the first 5000 citizens to get to the hillside where they held their meetings. They congregated about 40 times a year, and made the laws. The heart of the Assembly was the Council or boule. The council was consisted of 50 white males who did the bulk of the work, a new set of 50 were chosen every year (http://campus.queens.edu/depts/core/Core110/athenian_social_and_political_st.htm). The second group was the Council of 500, this group consisted of 500 citizens chosen at random for one-year terms. You could only be chosen for this council twice in your lifetime. This council helped prepare the agenda for the assembly meetings. Each month 50 different members of this council were called upon to prepare the agenda (http://campus.queens.edu/depts/core/Core110/athenian_social_and_political_st.htm). The third group was the jury courts.   The courts enforced the assemblys laws.   There were 6000 jurors, picked at random from volunteers, and a judge and jury were picked from these volunteers when a case came up. Their decisions were final as the accused had no appeals. (http://campus.queens.edu/depts/core/Core110/athenian_social_and_political_st.htm). In addition, Magistrates were chosen at random for a one-year term. They collected port taxes, organized tragedy and comedy performances, and festivals. There were 1400 magistrates, half-serving Athens and half serving overseas. In addition, every year 10 admirals were elected to oversee the safety of the city (http://campus.queens.edu/depts/core/Core110/athenian_social_and_political_st.htm). Every Athenian held a position in the government because there were thousands of positions available. Most of these positions were not full time, and did not involve passing laws but by doing it this way, it allowed both rich and poor to participate in the government. People were chosen randomly for these positions; this ensured that everyone had a chance for every job (http://languages.siuc.edu/classics/Johnson/HTML/L10.html). Even the word democracy is Greek; it comes from the words demos (people) and kratos (power), forming demokratos (people with power). Every Athenian was required to know the laws, and worldly happenings. In addition, anyone could attend the assembly, and speak, or introduce a new law (http://campus.queens.edu/depts/core/Core110/athenian_social_and_political_st.htm). We learned a lot politically from the Greeks. We learned the concept of democracy, that people could vote on laws and who is elected to public officeAssembly, that people could come together and voice the opinions on laws that were being passed. The Assembly in Athens was the model for the town hall meetings here in the United States. In the Athenian Assembly, the people were the law making body. In American Assemblies, the people just discuss laws and candidates. Tle the Greeks built the basis for the modern democracy, the Romans built the base for the modern republic. A republic is a government ruled by a body of people (the Roman Senate), rather than a king. The Roman Republic was also a Representative Democracy, which differs from a Direct Democracy in that the people elect leaders who will hopefully work in their best interests when voting (http://www.fsmitha.com/h1/ch15.htm). It all started in 509 BC, when Roman nobles drove out the Etruscan king Tarquin, thus ending the Etruscans control over the Romans. When the King was forced out his power was shifted to the Roman Senate (http://www.fsmitha.com/h1/ch15.htm). The Roman Senate was part of the much larger Roman political structure. This structure included the senate and the many magistrates positions. The first of these positions were the two consuls or chief magistrates, who convened and presided over the Senate, and served as generals. When their term of office ended, they usually governed a province as a proconsul (http://www.vroma.org/~bmcmanus/romangvt.html). Next, there were eight praetors, who served as judges. When their term ended, they often governed provinces as propraetors. Next, there were three censors, who were elected every 5 years for one and a half years; they counted citizens, senators, and property for tax collection and granted contracts. Next, there were the four aediles who managed public games, and the grain supply in Rome; two were plebeians, and the others, who were called curule aediles, could be from any class (http://www.vroma.org/~bmcmanus/romangvt.html). There were also 10 tribunes, whose job was to protect plebeians from judges, thus they could annul any judges ruling. They were sacrosanct, meaning that anyone who attacked them could be killed. Next, were the 20 quaestors, who served other provincial jobs (http://www.vroma.org/~bmcmanus/romangvt.html). The Roman Senate or the council of Elders was the chief Roman political authority. The Senate as a whole was made up of 600 roman men from wealthy families, ages 25 years or older. Senators were chosen by birth and rank or elected by consuls. They usually had served in politics before. Senators could not own anything, except land. The Senate was the most powerful force in Rome, and imposed laws until 300 AD (http://www.unrv.com/empire/struggle-of-the-orders.php). The Senate welcomed ambassadors to Rome, and sent ambassadors to other cities on behalf of Rome. It also elected town governors, and authorized going to war, peace. The Senate also appointed legates and controlled religious practices in Rome. It could also impose martial law, which made the two consuls dictators in times of crisis. (http://www.unrv.com/empire/struggle-of-the-orders.php). Two elected consuls who served as directors ran the Senate. One of the consuls was the Princeps Senatus. He was elected for a five-year term and controlled everything about the Senate from the agendas of the meetings to the speaking order. The other Consul was the Princeps Senatuss assistant (http://www.unrv.com/empire/struggle-of-the-orders.php). The Roman Senate put no limit on speaking terms, but they did have an order for who could speak first. They also pioneered the filibuster, which is when one person speaks for a long time in order to delay passage of a bill. (http://www.unrv.com/empire/struggle-of-the-orders.php). The last branch of the Roman political system was the Roman Assemblies places where people could discuss the laws that were brought up. There were four main assemblies. The first was the comitia curiata, which acted as the peoples assembly. It was made up of representatives of the three tribes of the city of Rome. Its role was to confirm magistrates, after the senate had confirmed them; it did not have any political power. It also served as an appeals court for death sentences, when a case was given to them. The minimum age for the representative for a curia was fifty years and his term was until his death (http://www.unrv.com/empire/struggle-of-the-orders.php). The second was the comitia centuriata. The comitia centuriata elected the consuls, praetors, and censors. It also officially declared war, and peace, as the United States Congress does today. It also was the court of appeals for executions. The third was the comitia tributa or the tribal assembly. It elected curule aediles, quaestors and other officials (http://www.unrv.com/empire/struggle-of-the-orders.php). The last assembly was the Plebeian Assembly or concilium plebis. The Tribune of the People or tribuni plebis could call it to session. It was the same as the comitia tributa; however, the nobles could not participate. Before 287 BC, the laws passed by the assembly could only affect Plebians. However, after 287 BC, the laws affected everyone (http://www.unrv.com/empire/struggle-of-the-orders.php). We adopted the idea for our United States Senate and many of the terms and positions within it, such as senate President, and filibuster. We also adpoted the representative democracy or the electing of politicians that will vote according to the beliefs of the people, which is the basis for United States Politics today. One major difference between the Roman and Greek political systems and the United States System is the role of women. In Greece and Rome, Women were never allowed to engage, or advise in any type of politics. Women were not allowed to vote in the US until 1920 (http://www.womenintheancientworld.com/). I believe that there were many similarities and differences between the Greek and Roman Systems of Government. One of the similarities was that everyone received a say in the government weather it was directly through the Greek assembly, or indirectly through the representatives of the Roman Senate. This gave people a chance to voice their opinions and gave them the idea that their opinions mattered. Thus, these governments were not dictatorships or monarchies. Another similarity was that both these governments controlled everything in their respective areas; no laws were given to separate states. The Athenian Assembly and the Roman Senate controlled religious practices, what people could and could not do, and how people should act. There were differences, however. One of the major differences was the way that people participated in the political process. The Greeks actually were the government, by participating in the assembly as they proposed, voted on and accepted new laws. The Roman method, which the United States later adopted, was to elect politicians to propose and vote on laws. These politicians would carry the views and opinions of the townspeople when they voted, thus laws would be passed that would hopefully reflect the sentiment of the people Another difference between these two systems is how politicians are elected, in Greece they are chosen at random, in Rome, they are usually former politicians who are the best at their position, and are usually chosen buy their follow politicians with help from the people on the committees. In the United States, politicians are elected randomly, however their party nominates them, and the party usually consists of former politicians. The Roman and Greek systems of Governments were the most advanced of their time. They were giants of political power, and although they had many similarities and differences, their ideas eventually helped form the system of government we enjoy in the United States today.

DR. MARY FRANCES EARLY :: essays research papers

Mary Frances Early: A Living Legend of the University of Georgia When one thinks of prominent figures in African American history the direct correlation is that those leaders lived and died long ago, and are far removed from present-day society. In lieu of Dr. Mary Frances Early’s achievements, she is a â€Å"Living Legend† walking amongst the faculty, staff, and students here at Clark Atlanta University. Professor Mary Frances Early graduated valedictorian from Clark College in 1957 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in Music Education. She then pursued her post graduate studies at the University of Michigan in the summer months, while she taught in Georgia during the school year. Appalled by the treatment of the two African American students at the University of Georgia by their white counterparts, she felt compelled to transfer from the University of Michigan to apply for admission into the University of Georgia. â€Å"I want you to think about what you are doing†, stated her mother when Mary Frances presented her with her intentions. Mary Frances received her greatly anticipated acceptance letter from the University of Georgia in the summer of 1961; after much deliberation by the university. While in attendance at University of Georgia, Mary Frances Early, endured many blatant hardships and dehumanizing attitudes from her white counterparts. While attempting to enter the library a few Caucasian students created a â€Å"human barricade† in an attempt to block the entrance of the library. Mary Frances being the strong African American woman that she is stormed â€Å"full speed ahead† through the â€Å"human barricade† into the library to study. Mary Frances Early’s safe-haven at the university was the music department, where she â€Å"fined tuned† her musical talents. She continued to encounter dehumanizing pranks and jokes. For example, she was locked in a class room by some of the students at 10:00 p.m., in which she was then scolded by the security guard who held no regard for those responsible for terrorizing her. Dr. Early, became a beacon of light for all to see when she became the 1st African American to obtain a graduate degree from the University of Georgia on August 16, 1962. DR. MARY FRANCES EARLY :: essays research papers Mary Frances Early: A Living Legend of the University of Georgia When one thinks of prominent figures in African American history the direct correlation is that those leaders lived and died long ago, and are far removed from present-day society. In lieu of Dr. Mary Frances Early’s achievements, she is a â€Å"Living Legend† walking amongst the faculty, staff, and students here at Clark Atlanta University. Professor Mary Frances Early graduated valedictorian from Clark College in 1957 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in Music Education. She then pursued her post graduate studies at the University of Michigan in the summer months, while she taught in Georgia during the school year. Appalled by the treatment of the two African American students at the University of Georgia by their white counterparts, she felt compelled to transfer from the University of Michigan to apply for admission into the University of Georgia. â€Å"I want you to think about what you are doing†, stated her mother when Mary Frances presented her with her intentions. Mary Frances received her greatly anticipated acceptance letter from the University of Georgia in the summer of 1961; after much deliberation by the university. While in attendance at University of Georgia, Mary Frances Early, endured many blatant hardships and dehumanizing attitudes from her white counterparts. While attempting to enter the library a few Caucasian students created a â€Å"human barricade† in an attempt to block the entrance of the library. Mary Frances being the strong African American woman that she is stormed â€Å"full speed ahead† through the â€Å"human barricade† into the library to study. Mary Frances Early’s safe-haven at the university was the music department, where she â€Å"fined tuned† her musical talents. She continued to encounter dehumanizing pranks and jokes. For example, she was locked in a class room by some of the students at 10:00 p.m., in which she was then scolded by the security guard who held no regard for those responsible for terrorizing her. Dr. Early, became a beacon of light for all to see when she became the 1st African American to obtain a graduate degree from the University of Georgia on August 16, 1962.

Human Resource and Industrial Relations Essay

In many Commonwealth Caribbean Countries since the early 1960’s, there have been attempts at Public Sector Reform by replacing the traditional system of Public Administration with what is commonly known as New Public Management and to this day, the successful implementation of such structural adjustment attempts have evaded most Governments who have dared to try. It was evident, however, that there were differences in the way each country attempted to introduce NPM. Jamaica and Barbados, for example, adhered rigorously to the primary tenets of NPM and Trinidad and Tobago by implementing some measures but not others. Human resource management (HRM) is a term which is now widely used but very loosely defined. It should be defined in such a way as to differentiate it from traditional personnel management and to allow the development of testable hypotheses about its impact. Based on theoretical work in the field of organizational behaviour it is proposed that HRM comprises a set o f policies designed to maximize organizational integration, employee commitment, flexibility and quality of work. Within this model, collective industrial relations have, at best, only a minor role. Despite the apparent attractions of HRM to managements, there is very little evidence of any quality about its impact or that of New Public Management. However, the purpose of this paper is to review and analyze some of the different approaches to Human Resource Management, New Public Management and  Industrial Relations initiatives used in Trinidad and Tobago and the extent to which the introduction of a â€Å"new† model of management in the public sector has led to a realignment in the roles, responsibilities, and relationships between the policy-makers, the bureaucracy, civil society and Trade Unions in Trinidad and Tobago. In addition, mentioning the work of two (2) well accomplished local minds who have contributed to the study of Public Sector Reform and Industrial Relations. Human Resource Management and Industrial Relations (HRIR) is a multidisciplinary area that investigates all aspects of employment relations in the public and private sector. Modern organisations i ncreasingly regard staff as their most valuable asset and a chief source of competitive advantage. Consequently, they attach great importance to how they manage people. Successful management of employment relations is vital if employees are to be motivated and organisations are to be successful. The Human resource management (HRM) side encompasses the governance of an organization’s employees and is sometimes referred to simply as human resources (HR). It is the people who work for the organization and human resource management is really employee management with an emphasis on those employees as assets of the business. Areas of HRM oversight include employee recruitment and retention, exit interviews, motivation, assignment selection, labor law compliance, performance reviews, training, professional development, mediation, change management and some extent of Industrial Relations. Industrial relations, which is sometimes called labour-management relations is a professional area of activity and is multidisciplinary, drawing from several academic areas such as law, economics, psychology, sociology and organizational theory. The field of Industrial relations also similarly encompasses the relationships between employers and employees, between employees and other employee s, between employers and their unions and advisors, between employees and their unions, between workplaces in the labour market, the environment created by historical, political, legal and social forces, cultural norms as well as the products of the industrial relations systems including industrial action, collective agreements, grievance handling and other problem-solving mechanisms. Since the 1990’s, there has been the need to transition from the traditional Public Administration (PA) to New Public Management (NPM) and the implementation of NPM ideas are closely related to Human Resources (HR)  in public institutions. In order to achieve a consistent shift, a lot of attention has been devoted to the reconstruction of Human Resource Management (HRM) as well as the improvement in the quality of Industrial Relations in Trinidad and Tobago that has become necessary due to the increasing frequency of strikes and other industrial action related to negotiations for new collective agreements. The first of the two (2) Authors who’s work are being mentioned and have made valid contributions to the field of Public Sector Reform is Dr. Ann-Marie Bissessar, a well accomplished Senior Lecturer in the Behavioural Sciences Department, University of the West Indies. Dr. Bissessar in one of her many writings entitled. â€Å"The changing nexus of power in the new public sector management of Trinidad and Tobago†, examines the extent to which the introduction of a â€Å"new† model of management in the public sector has led to a realignment of the bureaucracy and civil society in Trinidad and Tobago. The document suggests that the introduction of new public management in the public services of Trinidad and Tobago has led to changes in the structure, culture and functioning of the public sector. Doctor Bissessar argues that while there were tensions between the politician and the administrator during the post-independence period these were, to a large extent, kept in check by the rules and regulations that were part and parcel of the traditional method of administration. The introduction of principles of new public management in 1991 and the stress on greater autonomy and a more â€Å"fluid† bureaucratic arrangement, however, have fundamentally altered the power relationships between the politician and the administrator so that the division between the political sphere and the administrative sphere has become increasingly blurred. With respect to the civil society, concludes that with the exception of certain non-governmental organizations, the wider civil society continues to have a minimal input in either policy formulation or execution. Writing along the same lines of thought was Dr. Roodal Moonilal in his one of his articles entitled, â€Å"A note on the Human Re source Management and its Diffusion†. Doctor Moonilal, wrote that the notion of HRM is difficult to pin down with one definition and that is has central concerns with issues of quality, productivity, safety and the efficient use of materials. Other features include sub-contracting, re-deployment of labour, individual contracts and external forms of flexibility and much of the human relations  school. He took from the work of Allan Fox, who articulated two categories or frames of reference within which to conceptualise workplace industrial relations. He stated that Fox outlined a unitary frame of reference which stressed the importance of a common objective for the enterprise, with one source of authority and one focus of loyalty, all participants have the same basic aim and all aspire to share in the rewards which will accrue from the attainment of this aim. Conflict within this framework is denied, as Fox states, â€Å"the doctrine of common purpose and harmony of interests implies that apparent conflict is either (a) merely frictional, e.g. due to incompatible personalities or â€Å"things going wrong†, or (b) caused by faulty â€Å"communications†, e.g. â€Å"misunderstandings† about aims or met hods, or (c) the result of stupidity in the form of failure to grasp the communality of interest, or (d) the work of agitators inciting the supine majority who would otherwise be content† (1966:12). Improving human relations and communications are said to be the appropriate methods to avoid conflict which is seen as the result of poor social relations. In the unitary frame the presence of trade unions is seen as an â€Å"intrusion† into the private, peaceful and unified structure, they compete â€Å"illegitimately† for control over, and the loyalty of, the employees and are considered â€Å"foreign and alien† to the private affairs of the company. Foxs’ work also identified a â€Å"pluralist† frame which accepts that an enterprise contains groups with a variety of different interests, aims and aspirations and it is therefore a coalition of different interests rather than the embodiment of one common goal. In the pluralist enterprise conflict is normal, expected and should not be suppressed but the aim must be to keep it within accepted bounds to prevent the destruction of the enterprise. The article also states that if HRM can be located conceptually within the unitary ideology in the 1960s, it must also be traced to forms of strategic industrial relations adopted during the very period. The emerg ence of productivity bargaining defined as â€Å"an exchange of higher wages for more work, or the same wages in less time, or for greater flexibility and mobility of labour was seen as an earlier attempt by management to give direction to industrial relations. By the late 1970s external forces placed a focus on HRM in the academic and professional circuits as well as a wide range of features and dramatically contrasting reports on its implementation, impact and implications. The  article also stressed the need for Total Quality Management (TQM) and that the historical labour-management distrust and war in industrial relations has no place in Human Resource Management while stating that there are however characteristics of HRM which can threaten the functioning of traditional trade unionism. Dr. Moonilal states that even though some features of HRM can threaten the Union, they can only endanger a Union if it is weak at the shop floor level with a membership which is immobilized and lacking faith in the collective action and skill in representation. The Practitioners of industrial relations were said to be trade union officers, human resource managers, conciliators, mediators, labour department officials and project managers, among others. The main focus of industrial relations is on people in the workplace, whether such a workplace is a large transnational organization, or a small family firm, whether those employed are on a contract of service or on a contract for service; and whether or not a union is involved at the workplace. Indeed, industrial relations can exist even where collective agreements do not materialize. PART A Like most islands in the Caribbean, Trinidad and Tobago emerged from colonization in the early 1960s extremely poor and with an economy structured around resource exports. Trinidad and Tobago’s tremendous growth spurt slowed, and the economy entered a ten-year period of sluggish growth and had become urbanized, many belonging to the middle class, a situation unknown in most developing countries. As economic growth slowed, increased demands were voiced for adequate housing, better labor rights, more jobs, improved living and working conditions, more equitable distribution of wealth, and national ownership of resources. Despite these demands, the socioeconomic problems present in Trinidad and Tobago were hardly as acute as in other Caribbean countries; nonetheless, such issues as negative attitudes toward foreign ownership tended to dominate. Led by the charismatic and intellectual Eric Williams since its independence in 1962, citizens of Trinidad and Tobago, like people through out the region, hoped and expected that political independence would bring not only dignity but economic improvement. The moderate growth Trinidad and Tobago had been experiencing resulted in some gains for the population. During this time,  the islands’ labor force was highly unionized and the industrial relations climate in Trinidad and Tobago was growing tense with the development of the trade union movement. There was an increasing number of strikes and labour disputes which threatened the economic growth and productivity of the country. The Public Service employees were described as being indolent, inefficient and corrupt and it was impossible to discipline anyone or reform the service. So, It was said that the Public Service no longer attracted the best. The Government of the day could no longer delay in taking legislative action to regulate the relations between unions, workers and employers and there was an urgent need for change and the role of government in the economy increased drastically during the 1960s. The year 1962 was actually when the first step in the development of the collective bargaining process in Trinidad and Tobago was taken in November of that year, just three (3) months after the country obtained Independence from the British in 1962. An agreement was signed by the Secretary to Cabinet at the time on behalf of the Government and by the leadership of the Civil Service Association, the recognized representative for Civil Servants. It established a Civil Service Arbitration Tribunal with the power to decide issues remaining unresolved between the Government and the Association. The Tribunal was designed to function on an â€Å"Ad Hoc† basis and under the Whitley Council System, the Colonial Secretary and subsequently, the Secretary to Cabinet discussed matters relating to the Terms and Conditions of employments in the Civil Service with the Executive of the Civil Service Association .However, the right to approve of not approve any agreements reached was reserved to the Governor General after Independence. The relationship then changed between the Government and the Association and by extension the Civil Service, by bringing an end to the virtually absolute authority previously exercised by the Government. The next phase of Collecting Bargaining was achieved in 1966 when Parliament passed the Civil Service Act as Act No. 29 of 1965. This Act which came into force on August 27, 1966 provided for an effective system of Collective Bargaining referred to in the Act as consultation and Negotiation. The Act established the Personnel Department of Government which was headed by the Chief Personnel Officer and staffed by Civil Servants to; maintain the class of Civil  Servants and keep under review the remuneration payable to them, administer the general regulations respecting the Civil Servants, provide for and establish procedures for consultation between the Personnel Department and an any Association in respect to classification of officers, any grievances and Terms and Conditions of Emp loyment of Civil Servants. Those aspects of the employment relationship which could not be left to collective bargaining such as employee health and safety, minimum age of employment and workers’ compensation, retrenchment and severance benefits and maternity leave are set down in legislation which bind the State and private employers. As a result the Industrial Stabilisation Act, 1965, was enacted. This Act introduced the concept of compulsory arbitration to Trinidad and Tobago by the establishment of the Industrial Court. The main function of this Court was to intervene to prevent and settle industrial disputes between employers and their union represented workers. The Industrial Stabilisation Act was later repealed and replaced by the Industrial Relations Act, 1972, Chapter 88:01 of the Laws of Trinidad and Tobago to provide for the following: free collective bargaining between employer and workers through their representative associations, the development of a peaceful and expeditious procedure for the settlement of disputes, the establishment of the Industrial Court,  the recognition and registration of trade unions,   the freedom to be represented by a trade union and the right not to associate, and industrial action which may be taken by both employer and employee. In addition, Provision was made for a T ripartite industrial relations advisory committee which had the responsibility of reviewing the IRA and making recommendations to the Minister of Labour. This way the Act kept up with industrial relations trends. The general industrial relations policy in Trinidad and Tobago was based on voluntary collective bargaining between employers and workers, via their representative associations, for the settlement of terms and conditions of employment. While the Government has ratified several ILO Conventions, including the Tripartite Consultation (International Labour Standards) Convention, 1976 (No. 144), these Conventions only become effective when they are legislatively implemented. A 144 Tripartite Committee, comprising all of the social partners, trade  unions, employers, and Government, in operation in Trinidad and Tobago with the responsibility of considering and recommending the ratification of ILO Conventions. State employees included all civil servants, teachers and members of the Protective Services (Fire, Police and Prison Services). The employment relationship between the State and its employees was governed generally by legislation, which made provisions for terms and conditions of e mployment including recruitment, hours of work, leave entitlements, payment of remuneration, pensions, allowances and other benefits. There was legislation which dealt specifically with each group, such as the Civil Service Act, Chap 23:01 for all civil servants, the Police Service Act, Chap. 15:01, as revised by the Police Service Bill (2003), the Fire Service Act, Chap. 35:50 and the Education Act, Chap 39:01 for teachers. The representative associations of monthly paid State employees may bargain collectively with the Chief Personnel Officer, who is deemed to be the employer of State employees under the IRA. The subject of these negotiations include wage increases, travelling and other allowances and leave entitlements. Other legislations were as follow: The Occupational Safety and Health Act – Sets standards for employee health and safety at the workplace The Workmen’s Compensation Act or the Employment Injury and Disability Benefits Bill – Provides compensation where employees are injured on the job Retrenchment and Severance Benefits Act – Guarantees the payment of severance pay to retrenched employees. The Maternity Protection Act – Provides maternity leave and related benefits to female employees PART B In December 1991 a new government was elected in Trinidad and Tobago. It soon embarked on an ambitious programme of public sector reform under the overall direction of Gordon Draper as Minister in the Office of the Prime Minister with responsibility for Public Administration and Public Information. The programme drew directly on the NPM paradigm and sought to deliver decentralised management, improved morale and productivity, improved human resource management, improved quality of service and delivery, and improved budgeting and accounting systems. The details of the programme were set out  in detail in a publication of the MTSD as A Profile of the Public Service of Trinidad and Tobago (Commonwealth Secretariat 1995). It covered seven areas, three of which were elaborated in some detail. The first was ‘making the most of staff’ through training and development, the establishment of ‘change teams’ within ministries to lead reform, new systems of performance appraisal, and improving work performance by upgrading accommodation and developing an employee assistance programme. The second focused on ‘making government more efficient’ through the introduction of strategic planning, improving productivity via computerisation, contracting out services, redundancy management, and conducting comprehensive audits, a view also shared by Dr. Bissessar and Dr. Moonilal as mentioned previously. The third area, ‘improving policy analysis and co-ordination’, was to be achieved by creating standing committees of Cabinet in vital areas for national economic development, improving policy presentation in the media, and creating more mechanisms for public consultation on national development. The other areas addressed the quality of public services, partnerships with the private sector and non-government organisations, effective management and the management of finance. It was a comprehensive vision and some of the ideas, mechanisms and procedures set forth in it have since been adopted by other Caribbean countries in their programmes of reform. In Trinidad and Tobago, however, it ran into difficulties. One was over the powers and responsibilities of the Public Service Commission (PSC). The reforms proposed their reduction and rationalisation, with many of them being exercised by ministries and other public agencies in accordance with the more decentralised management principles of NPM. These were resisted by the PSC, which claimed that the government was unfairly blaming them for failures in the public service. They also questioned the introduction of private sector values into the very different ethos of the public service (Trinidad and Tobago 1995). Another was the proposal to establish human resource units in ministries which would have seriously weakened the Personnel Department. A number of ministries submitted plans but there was much delay in implementation reducing the effectiveness of the reform. Other changes in this area, such as performance appraisal, also met employee resistance, suggesting a strong cultural re sistance to change. However, on the one hand, public servants supported change which was beneficial to them  Ã¢â‚¬Å"such as training, pay increases, systems of career path planning and enhanced opportunities†. On the other, they were â€Å"afraid of change† which was in any way radical, rather than incremental, since they equated it with â€Å"retrenchment and downsizing† which would threaten their jobs and erode their tenure. In such circumstances it is not surprising that many were â€Å"openly hostile to suggestions for further reform†. In the face of such opposition, and also a lessening of commitment to micro-manage change by the political leadership, the reform programme slowly ground to a halt. The role of the state in development has come under challenge. The reasons for this include the fiscal crises that hit most developing countries in the 1980s, weakening the ability of the state to fund development programmes; the stabilisation and structural adjustment policies that followed, which imposed reductions in the role and size of government and an increase in the scope and activities of the private sector; and the elaboration, from the beginning of the 1990s, o f programmes of ‘good governance’ which aimed to build ‘an effective state’ through matching a state’s role to its capability, which required a sharper focus on fundamentals, and raising state capability by reinvigorating public institutions. In the achievement of these last set of activities sweeping public sector reform was to be encouraged. The impact of such programmes on the developing world has been the subject of much comment. In the case of small states it raised particular difficulties. The public sector tends to be proportionately bigger and its responsibility for delivering services across a wide range of activities greater than in many larger countries. There were thus serious questions about any proposal to reduce the role of the state. At the same time the need for public sector reform was acknowledged in many small states. The New Public Sector Management (NPSM) is the transfer of business and market principles and management processes from the private sector into the public service itself, or outsourcing government activities to the special purpose companies owned by a government or even to the private sector. There is or has been no empirical evidence that NPSM reforms of the public service or outsourcing have led to productivity increases or public welfare improvements even by private sector standards. Th is is because there are basic problems implicit in the NPSM model which derive from the fact that the aims of the public service differ from those of the private sector.  The private sector is about competition and maximizing profits. The proponents of NPSM seek to treat the public as though they are consuming private sector goods and services. The use of these business techniques in the delivery of public functions constricts the accomplishment of the basic tenets of the state: democracy, regularity, transparency and due process, which are surely more important than perceived efficiency and speed. With regards to its impact on the Industrial Relations System, traditionally, trade unions in the Caribbean, in negotiating wages and conditions of employment for their members, have resorted to the confrontational approach to settle outstanding issues. In the early days of trade unionism, this approach was extremely successful and was effectively used. It can be said that employers were cognizant of the close relationship that existed between the political leaders in most of the Caribbean islands and the trade union leaders. In some instances, they were one and the same person. As the countries became independent and t he impact of adverse economic circumstances began to be felt, employers in both the public sector and private sector responded by resorting to taking tough economic decisions. Invariably, these decisions focused on the way in which wage increases were negotiated, the level of these increases and the impact which they had on government finances and on profits at the level of the enterprise. As a consequence, collective bargaining took a new turn as trade unions were forced to examine seriously their approach to the preparation of proposals and the presentation of their case. At the same time, alternative approaches to confrontation were examined and in some instances adopted. Social dialogue has been developed by the ILO as one of the alternative approaches recommended to the social partners (governments, employers and trade unions). A number of studies on best practices in selected enterprises in the Caribbean are being developed to demonstrate how effective social dialogue can be in increasing productivity and in keeping with the New Public Management approaches. However, it seems to me that there has been increasingly forceful moves by trade unions in Tr inidad and Tobago over the past few years to influence national policies and issues. This may be out of frustrated expectations which originate from political and economic circumstances. Whatever the reason, it is has begun to have a negative impact on the workers they represent and the wider society. If this  situation is not addressed it may very well deteriorate and there will be unintended adverse consequences, including loss of employment opportunities and declining standards of living for those whose interests should be served by the unions. The principal stakeholders must re-examine their contributions to the current state of affairs and resolve to bring about the necessary transformation. We need to start the process of change now and even though it would be time consuming, it must be done. It requires an understanding of the realities of the global economy and the imperative for small economies such as ours to survive and in the longer term, to prosper. Trinidad and Tobago has been in a more fortunate position due to our rich hydrocarbon industry and prices being unexpectedly high. However, this should not be the basis of planning sustainable economic grow th and development. The future requires all the social partners to work together, replacing confrontation by cooperation and collaboration. This can only be accomplished if there are suitable multipartite mechanisms established by the government and adhered to by all stakeholders (government, labour, private sector and civil society) whereby meaningful consultation leads to consensus on common objectives and the strategies by which these can be achieved. There must be a major paradigm shift from dependency on oil and gas revenues to support artificially high employee compensation without regard for productivity. There can be no justification for such irrational approaches to industrial relations. It is time to adopt new methods of resolving issues and to put the issue of pay for performance and productivity on the front burner. The era of ‘might is right’ is a luxury we can no longer afford. We need to usher in a new dispensation of enlightened industrial relations to create a truly developed society. Relations between companies and unions need to shift from being adversarial to one of co-operation and it is critical for both parties, union and management to jointly address the competitive pressures and to work together to harness the skills and the commitment of the workforce. The manufacturing and public sectors in many countries have been the traditional base of support for trade unions. They are now experiencing cons iderable difficulties in maintaining and increasing membership. It is the hope of many that the Government will begin the process of getting the economy back on its feet. In doing so, there is always the potential for increased agitation by trade  unions that could ultimately lead to Industrial action where their demands for double digit wage increases cannot be met by the Government. Such a situation can also impact the industrial relations environment across the private sector where unionization is concentrated, particularly along the East-West Corridor. There is also, the perception among many in society that our industrial relations climate will become increasingly adversarial. Employers are more weary of unionization today more than ever before given the current approach to negotiations and dispute resolution by certain trade unions. This is most unfortunate since these very employers accept that trade unions have a critical role to play in shaping industrial relations in our country and facilitating an economic recovery. It goes without saying that industrial action in any form and by anyone can lead to huge disruptions, losses in production and ultimately adverse long-term economic consequences if unchecked and properly regulated. The problem is that much of the current legislation and regulation governing industrial action was formulated back in the 1960â €™s and at a time when there were no legislative safeguards and specified minimum working conditions. On the other hand, the situation is very different today. Today, most workers enjoy legislative protections  in areas ranging from unfair dismissals to minimum wages, maternity leave and severance benefits. It is important to note that in the 1960s trade union membership was more than twice as much as it is now and industrial relations was more about power relations hence the prevalence of adversarial relationships between employers and workers. Today, this too has changed somewhat and great strides have been made to encourage tripartism, social dialogue and labour management co-operation. The movement towards human capital as the major investment for competitive advantage has greatly accelerated. Improved communication of total reward packages through face-to-face meetings, total reward statements and flexible benefits have in most workplaces replaced indirect forms of communication and the significance of basic pay in the overall remuneration package. The one (1) major area that needed to be addressed was the Industrial Court, which was noted to have served the country will but has not been perfect in  its judgments. Many have questioned whether there is a need for the Industrial Court as some of its judgments have been criticized. In a report submitted to Errol McLeod, Minister of Labour, Small and Micro Development Enterprises on July 29, 2013 by the Industrial Relations Advisement Report Committee, it stated twenty-five (25) recommendations for changes needed within the Industrial Relations Sector. The report stated that there is a need to ensure that the Industrial Court is examined and brought up to a more modern constitution, since there have been no direct changes in the Labour Relations Sector for decades. There are issues with the tenure of Judges, Independence of the Court, Migrant Law, Minimum Wages, Maternity Protection, Work men’s Compensation Ordinance and Retrenchment and Severance Pay. It was also stated that the Collective Bargaining process must be done in a more timely basis. The Industrial Relations Advisement Report Committee also stressed in their extensive report that it was crucial to the Industrial Relations Sector that all twenty-five (25) recommendations made be addressed. With this in mind, it is clear that what our industrial relations system needs now is a modernized legal framework which is relevant to changes in working life, modern human resource management practices and technological advancement. It also needs a proper functioning Industrial Court to preside over all its matters. RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION While several attempts have also been made in the past to improve the operations of the Public Service of Trinidad and Tobago, the challenges associated with Human Resource Management and its evolution into New Public Management, accountability, information and technology, communication technology, leadership systems and the systems of laws and procedures continue to occur. The culture of the Public Service has been one referred to as too â€Å"laid back† and that any diversion from the â€Å"status quo† is frowned upon and resisted. There needs to be collaboration between key central agencies to facilitate their acceptance of the fact that change is needed and accept the relevant responsibilities. Governments need to properly formulate and oversee the implementation of comprehensive change management strategies and have a robust legislative analysis of these  changes. Provisions must be created to ensure effective implementation and review, communication and networking within and among various Ministries and Departments. There also needs to be a strengthening of the Civil Service and administrative components of Public Service Reform, providing them with a better frame work and indicator set. More attention must be given to the budget execution phases of Financial Management and sufficient resources must be allocated to ensure that the officers can perform at their best and with a sense of urgency. With all this in mind, it is quite obvious that any kind or nature of Reform is a work in progress. BIBLIOGRAPHY Labour Law Profile. â€Å"National Labour Profile: Trinidad and Tobago Web. 27 July 2011 http://www.ilo.org/resrch/intro Trinidad and Tobago Economic Development Web. August 2011 www.photius.com/countries/Trinidad and Tobago Bissessar, Ann-Marie. â€Å"The changing nexus of power in the New Public Sector Management of Trinidad and Tobago†. Department of Behavioral Sciences, University of the West-Indies International Journal of Public Sector Management. Web.Vol. 16ISS: No.109 Moonilal, Roodal Dr. â€Å"A note on HRM and Its Diffusion†. June 13, 2009 Sutton, Paul. â€Å"Public Sector Reform in Small States† Cases from the Commonwealth Caribbean. (2009) â€Å"Industrial Relations in Trinidad and Tobago.† Wikipidea Online. Encyclopedia Wikipedea, 2012. Web. 13 Nov. 2013. Young, Greg. Home page. Web. 13 Nov. 2013 Chamber of Commerce. â€Å"The Current Industrial Relations Climate in Trinidad and Tobago† Chamber of Commerce, 2011. Web. 10 Nov 2013

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